From Religion to Kinship: The Politics of Giving in Somali Diaspora Aid Networks

Mosque associations (or Islamic community centres) serve as religious, social, and charitable hubs. After 11 September, international support for Islamic charities declined drastically due to terrorism concerns (Mitchell, 2002). In response, mosque associations emerged as key humanitarian actors, mobilising resources and coordinating aid. As one interviewee from a mosque committee bluntly put it, “When there is a crisis back home the mosques become our command centres” (Mosque Committee Member, 2022). In Somalia, mosque leaders have long mobilised resources locally. Today, mosque associations in Eastleigh provide shelter, food, medical care, and financial assistance during crises such as flood, droughts, and conflict. Their efforts are grounded in Islamic principles of compassion, solidarity, and communal responsibility.

Mosques in Eastleigh often bear names drawn from Islamic figures or concepts, such as Abu Bakr al-Siddiq, Sahaba (companion), Al-Hidaya (guidance), and Salam (peace) with informal locational names like Third, Sixth or Eighth Street Mosque. These associations are primarily Somali, though non-Somalis participate. Unlike broader-based Western Islamic charities like Muslim Aid and Islamic Relief (De Cordier, 2009: 611–613), Eastleigh mosques prioritise Somali inhabited regions. However, the diverse kinship backgrounds of Somali members broaden both the contribution base and the geographic reach of aid across East Africa.

Mosques in Eastleigh often align with specific Islamic schools of thought – mainly Salafi and Sufi – which shape both religious practices and the moral frameworks that guide their aid activities. Male-led Mosque committees mobilise resources during prayer gatherings, drawing on Islamic teachings that promise reward for generosity and warn of consequences for withholding support. At a 7 February 2022 meeting at Abubakr Sadiq Mosque, Sheikh Umal cited a prophetic saying stressing communal responsibility: “Our Prophet, peace be upon him, said, ‘Whoever does not care about the affairs of Muslims is not one of us’” (Salafmedia, 2022). Such appeals generate collective responsibility and motivate donations. Withholding support can invite social pressure, reinforcing the expectation to give. Common contributions include sadaqa (voluntary charity) and zakat (2.5 per cent annual wealth). Among the eight eligible categories for zakat, those facing hardship are prioritised. One mosque imam explained: “The poor and needy people are among rightful beneficiaries of zakat in Islam. We encourage our worshippers to support in crises, individually or collectively” (Imam, 2022).

However, mosque associations often politicise aid by channelling it through ideologically aligned networks. Religious teachings are embedded in the distribution process, shaping how recipients perceive and respond to assistance. Prominent leaders sometimes convert symbolic capital – such as trust, prestige, and recognition – into economic ventures, including real estate. At the same time, mosque-driven aid reinforces reciprocity and community cohesion. Rooted in Islamic principles, it promotes empathy, generosity, fairness, and unity among believers.

Among Somalis, kinship forms the bedrock of social cooperation, providing both personal and collective security while anchoring social life in family and clan ties (Lewis, 1994: 8–10). Kinship associations offer social, political, and economic support during crises by mobilising life-saving resources and financial contributions (Kleist et al., 2025). These associations, deeply rooted in Somali society, are usually named after sub-clans or ancestral villages, and maintain global membership. A core practice among them is qaraan (communal resource pooling), a traditional coping mechanism used to fundraise during hardship (Kroner, 2005: 94–95; Majid et al., 2017), used for drought, floods, conflict, marriage, medical emergencies, or blood compensation (Bakonyi, 2009: 434–454).

As one male participant explained, “We use qaraan as a social welfare system. Instead of saving in a bank account for future emergencies, we give it out to our brothers in need. When I am in need, I know it's like something I have saved because I will also get it from within my network” (Journalist 2022). This view highlights how qaraan functions as a Maussian form of gift-giving: seemingly voluntary yet deeply binding, sustaining communal ties and reciprocal obligations. While qaraan is framed as generosity, contributions are often shaped by social norms of duty, honour, and kinship responsibility. The amounts requested are determined by kinship leaders and are not arbitrary; they are influenced by perceived livelihood levels, which are assessed through visible indicators such as the ownership of vehicles and real estate. These visible signs help leaders determine what is appropriate to expect from each member. A woman noted that,

The leadership sometimes imposes on us certain amounts to pay without prior consultation. They may ask for $50 on the justification that close relatives are suffering. I cannot refuse to pay, but I can negotiate to pay $30 instead if my situation doesn’t permit to meet their demand. (Mosque Member 2022)

This dynamic exemplifies Mauss’s concept of the “total social fact,” where economic, moral and social dimensions become inseparable (Mauss, 2002: 3–4). Although qaraan may seem like voluntary giving, it operates in a web of social accountability in which non-compliance risk exclusion. Giving is both an obligation and a strategic act that ensures future support. The system exerts social pressure, as failure to contribute can lead to diminished status and eroded trust within the kinship network (Bakonyi, 2009: 430). As one female participant put it in an FGD, “if you don’t give, people will say you are selfish or not a real member of the kinship group. Refusing to contribute is like closing the door on your own kin” (FGD Participant 2022). Thus, while qaraan fosters solidarity, it also reinforces hierarchies, control mechanisms, and reciprocal obligations within kinship-based networks.

Kinship-based associations in Eastleigh have adopted digital tools such as WhatsApp for coordination and mobile money platforms for fundraising, communication, and aid distribution. Safaricom's M-Pesa is dominant in Kenya, while recipients in Somalia use EVC Plus – Hormuud Telecom's fee-free mobile money platform. Diaspora committees coordinate closely with local sub-clan representatives in Somalia to deliver aid efficiently and accountably. As the chairman of a Nairobi-based kinship association explained:

The adoption of mobile money has streamlined our efforts in fundraising and aid distribution back home. It not only provides efficiency and accountability, but gives our people the choice to use the money for their most pressing needs, which differ between families. (Kinship Association Chairman 2022)

This highlights how digital tools enable flexible, rapid responses without the bureaucracy associated with formal NGOs. Kinship associations operate with minimal overhead – no salaried staff, no offices, and no claimed expenses. Venue rentals and meals are covered by committee members. As one executive committee member explained, “as members of the management committee, we mobilise resources and ensure full distribution to the intended people at no operational cost. We work on a voluntary basis and pay for own expenses while undertaking communal work” (Kinship Association Member, 2022). In this way, digital tools enhance rather than bureaucratise kinship aid, preserving its intimacy, voluntarism, and relational accountability. Aid remains embedded in communal expectations rather than institutional procedures.

Yet this intimacy opens space for politicisation. Trust in leadership can be manipulated, as one youth respondent warned: “Some leaders help, but others use our trust to promote themselves, like asking elders for support with parliamentary positions when they go back home” (Kinship Association Member, 2022). While many leaders are regarded as sincere humanitarians, some respondents noted that trust within kinship networks was occasionally instrumentalized for political purposes – highlighting that politicisation, though not pervasive, is a persistent concern in diaspora giving. Such dynamics reinforce transnational kinship ties, while also revealing the blurred boundaries between humanitarianism and political ambition. Digitalised qaraan thus functions not only as a means of aid delivery, but also as a conduit for influence, reciprocity, and social reproduction.

Finally, gendered dynamics shape these networks. Although mosque leadership remains male-dominated, and most kinship associations have only recently begun to include women in limited roles, women remain central to humanitarian mobilisation. They contribute personal valuables such as gold and organise women-only initiatives around maternal welfare. Together, mosque associations and kinship networks – often supported by informal women's initiatives – do more than deliver aid; they help maintain transnational solidarities, strengthen social bonds, and sustain communal life. The following sections present empirical material that demonstrates how these dynamics play out across different instances of mosque and kinship-based humanitarian support.

Eastleigh mosques managed a comprehensive intervention in response to the devastating floods that affected the Middle Shabelle region in Somalia. Beledweyne, the largest city in Hirshabelle State, has faced increasingly frequent floods over the past decades, culminating in 2019 when 68% of the city was damaged, highlighting the escalating severity of these events. Seventeen deaths were recorded, and approximately 45,500 households (encompassing 273,000 individuals) were forced to evacuate their homes in Beledweyne (UN Somalia, 2020). The floods made headlines in the last week of October 2019, prompting the immediate mobilisation of financial resources in Eastleigh's mosques and within two weeks, a little over USD300,000 was raised. By the middle of November, a mosque association committee, led by Umal, delivered the emergency aid to the affected populations. The committee was back in Nairobi in the last week of November 2019. Upon his return, Umal gave a presentation titled “Lessons from the Humanitarian Mission,” in which he reported how the funds were raised and distributed, “[w]e handed over USD183,000 to the flood committee in Beledweyne city and USD120,000 to flood committees operating in the entire middle Shabelle region. We urged them to deliver the cash to the populations that didn’t get help at the time” (Salafmedia, 2019).

The successful mobilisation and delivery of funds on this scale within short time highlights the crucial role mosques play in providing assistance during crises that require immediate intervention. The mosque association's extensive mobilisation structure enabled the efficient collection of funds, while its close networks with clerics in Somalia ensured rapid aid delivery. This underscores the critical role of organisational culture and structures in facilitating mobilisation and distribution efforts.

Yet, behind this mobilisation effort lays a more complex emotional terrain. Many interlocutors described how they had felt an acute sense of pressure to contribute, even when doing so placed significant strain on their own livelihoods. As a male trader put it, “Even when I had no house rent money I still sent something for the flood victims. You can’t say no–it's about morality and dignity” (Trader, 2023). This ambivalence echoes the dilemmas explored by Anna Lindley (2009: 1318–1321), where remittances are motivated not only by altruism but also by moral obligation, fear of social exclusion, and the emotional burden of unmet expectations. Here too, the act of giving was not entirely voluntary in the Maussian sense but negotiated under the weight of expectations – reinforced by mosque sermons and a shared sense of identity that made refusal almost unthinkable.

Distribution committees preferred by mosque associations are often composed of individuals who share the donor mosques’ ideological affiliations. These affiliations are grounded in shared interpretations of Islamic doctrine, theological alignment, or broader ideological goals that resonate with donor mosques’ values and priorities. By selecting committee members within aligned networks, mosque associations ensure that aid distribution is not only trusted but also ideologically coherent. This strategy reinforces internal cohesion, sustains religious legitimacy, and embeds humanitarian practices within a shared framework of belief and purpose. In this way, aid distribution becomes an extension of the mosque's religious authority and social influence.

The humanitarian intervention in Beledweyne exemplifies this dynamic. The intent to publicise the delivery of aid through planned public lectures with recipients in Somalia and donor debriefings in Nairobi illustrates that the act of giving was far from neutral. Rather, it functioned as a tool of ideological propagation, extending the mosque's theological and socio-political influence across space and borders. These practices highlight how aid can serve as a medium for reinforcing religious identity, consolidating group belonging, and expanding institutional reach. It also indicates the interplay between humanitarianism, religion, and group cohesion, demonstrating how aid efforts can serve broader social and ideological objectives beyond mere relief.

Between 2020 and 2023, Eastleigh Mosque associations played a key role in responding to recurrent Horn of Africa droughts by expanding relief efforts to Somali communities in Kenya, Ethiopia, and Somalia. In late 2021, when the drought in north-eastern Kenya peaked, the main mosques in Eastleigh initiated fundraising efforts to support the victims. Resources were distributed to pastoralists via mosque committees that coordinated water trucking and food relief. Similarly, in 2022 mosques responded to worsening humanitarian crisis in the Somali Region of Ethiopia and in southern Somalia that led to the loss of human lives and livestock. At fundraising events, Sheikh Umal's committee raised awareness through lectures and appeals. The committee dispatched the first portion of emergency relief from Eastleigh in mid-2022, while fundraising continued in the mosques. Sheikh Umal told the congregants:

We are now facing another drought in Ethiopia and Somalia after successfully sending aid to northern-eastern Kenya. People there are increasingly losing the livestock they rely on for their livelihoods. The situation is becoming desperate; people are dying as their herds vanish. What should we do? It is our responsibility to act. (Salafmedia, 2022)

Mosque associations’ responses to multiple crises in rapid succession underscore their dual commitment to emotional and material support. These repeated mobilizations demonstrate a sustained ability to coordinate relief across regional boundaries. Through these interventions, ties between donor mosques and recipient communities have been strengthened, contributing to the spread of Salafi interpretations of Islam in Somalia (Edle, 2025: 131–133). Aid forges and sustains social relationships with distant communities. Recipients are informed of the support's source by those distributing the aid, who in turn seek recognition and gratitude. Lectures often accompany distributions, reinforcing doctrinal ties to the mosque. This dynamic reflects Mauss's idea of the gift as a binding force that creates lasting obligations. For Eastleigh's Mosque associations, aid fosters moral allegiance across borders, with public recognition reinforcing their authority. Framed through religious discourse, giving becomes a spiritually charged act of reciprocity. In this sense, humanitarian aid is not only relief but a total social fact–simultaneously spiritual, political, and relational.

Despite recurrent droughts, limited resources force mosques to prioritise emerging crises over ongoing ones. For instance, during the 2023 Gu (rainy season), floods again displaced over 200,000 people in and around Beledweyne along the Shebelle River (ReliefWeb, 2023). However, the mosques did not initiate fundraising efforts for this crisis. Instead, Eastleigh mosques mobilised funds for Lascanod, a region that had not previously been part of their humanitarian focus. In June 2023, the Council of Somali Clerics (Uluma) in Eastleigh held a press conference where they criticised the bombardment and displacement of civilians in Lascanod by the Somaliland administration. They initiated a fundraising campaign via the mosque association to aid people impacted by the crisis. Sheikh Mohamud Shibili, who read part of the press statement, called on Somalis to send their contributions:

The Uluma calls upon all Somalis across the globe to generously contribute towards the emergency response effort for relatives who are suffering in Lascanod. We particularly appeal to the Eastleigh business community, which is well known for giving during crises, to donate their God-given wealth to our people who are in need. (Salafmedia, 2023a, 2023b)

Fundraising for Lascanod and other crises reflects the mosques’ commitment to geographically diversifying aid distribution, despite limited resources. Extending support to different Somali-inhabited regions fosters a sense of fairness across communities while preserving and expanding ties with populations in the disputed eastern regions of Somaliland. These mobilizations reflect Mauss’s notion that gifts are never neutral, but embedded in relations of power, obligation, and reciprocity. Mosque associations leverage appeals to moral and religious duty not only to deliver relief, but also to reinforce communal bonds and advance ideological influence. Through acts of giving, mosque associations reinforce their moral authority and cultivate reciprocal ties with communities in contested areas of Somaliland. Such efforts also draw criticism, with Somaliland accusing Eastleigh clerics of fuelling tensions under the guise of humanitarian aid. President Bihi cautioned the clerics against meddling in the conflict: “The group calling itself Uluma, but clearly aligned with a single kinship group and seeking to join the conflict, represents a new and concerning development. We urge them not to proceed. Stay out of it” (Salafmedia, 2023a). This backlash underscores Mauss’s insight that gift-giving can generate power-laden obligations and be perceived as political intrusion. Even under the guise of humanitarianism, the “gift” of aid or support may create indebtedness or perceived loyalty, provoking resistance where authority is contested.

In 2022, in response to a prolonged period of drought, kinship associations in Eastleigh mobilised their networks to raise funds and provide support to affected members. While these efforts demonstrate the enduring strength of kinship ties, their exclusivity in focusing primarily on kinship members raises questions about how such localised aid intersects with broader humanitarian needs. Unlike mosque-based efforts, which often respond to large-scale crises through broader and more diverse networks, kinship groups operate within narrower circles, potentially reinforcing intra-kinship boundaries and limiting their wider humanitarian reach. This approach underscores both the resilience and limitations of relying on kinship structures for crisis responses.

Funds mobilised by various Eastleigh-based kinship associations in 2022 to combat the devastating droughts varied significantly. For instance, three different associations raised USD9,375, USD16,450, and USD20,700, respectively, to assist members of their kinship associations. These amounts, while modest compared to large-scale aid initiatives, proved vital in addressing the immediate needs of drought-stricken families. For example, one association used its funds to provide food, water, and essential supplies to 250 households in their ancestral town, while another focused on helping pastoralists recover from drought by restocking their herds. Such targeted aid illustrates the localised impact of kinship interventions, ensuring resources reach those most in need within relatively small groups of people. As the chair of one kinship-association explained:

In my kinship association, we raised KES1,050,000 (USD9,375) for relatives struggling with drought in our hometown during 2022. Although we have over 200 members, only half managed to contribute, yet the funds benefited 250 destitute households. We often repeat the same fundraising after sometimes. (Kinship Association Chairperson, 2023)

Kinship groups in Eastleigh not only reinforce social ties within kinship networks but also play a vital role in extending humanitarian aid to Somalia. This transnational outreach sustains communal bonds across distance by cultivating a sense of reciprocal obligation and shared responsibility. Contributions from the diaspora are often motivated by the understanding that support given today may be returned in the future. As one kinship elder explained, “Kinship members offer assistance, knowing they might need similar support in the future” (Kinship Association Chairperson, 2023).

This ethic of reciprocity reinforces mutual responsibility and motivates individuals, not only out of solidarity, but also with the expectation of future assistance in times of hardship. The result is a strong sense of collective responsibility and a robust social safety net that helps safeguard the welfare of the kinship group, especially during crisis such as droughts, displacement or conflict. The cyclical nature of these efforts where contributions and support are repeatedly exchanged, highlights the ongoing importance of kinship networks in maintaining social unity and resilience. These networks adapt to change while preserving mutual aid traditions, keeping kinship members connected across geographical and temporal divides.

In the context of Somalia's fragmented and largely privatised healthcare landscape, kinship associations have emerged as critical responders to medical emergencies. The collapse of state-sanctioned health systems – compounded by high costs, frequent misdiagnoses, and widespread public distrust (Gele et al., 2017: 131–135; WHO, 2024) – has created a vacuum often filled by diaspora-led, kinship-rooted initiatives. One Nairobi-based kinship association exemplifies this form of grassroots humanitarianism, operating through flexible and responsive structures rather than formalised systems. Between 2017 and 2024, the group raised over USD160,000 through recurrent, need-based mobilizations, supporting dozens of medical cases without maintaining a standing fund, relying instead on the immediacy of collective obligation and trust (Figure 1).

Rather than establishing a standing medical fund, members respond to emotionally resonant cases as they arise, reflecting a moral economy grounded in social proximity, reciprocal obligation, and collective responsibility. These cases typically involve urgent medical needs such as surgeries, cross-border treatment, or emergency care. As one kinship association member noted, “We don’t wait when a serious health issue arises, we act because tomorrow it could be you” (Kinship Association Treasurer, 2023). This sense of urgency reveals how kinship aid is driven by moral obligation rather than bureaucratic protocol, with its reactive yet consistent mobilisation reflecting the informal institutionalisation of mutual aid within diaspora associations. Fundraising is not merely financial; it affirms group belonging, reinforces kin obligations, and activates what Mauss (2002: 13–14) called the “spirit of the gift,” where giving binds communities through obligation and moral authority.

These medical interventions are not just acts of care but expressions of collective identity. They maintain long-distance solidarity, reconstitute fragmented communities, and reinforce shared identity across space. In the absence of state mechanisms, kinship becomes a platform through which health and, by extension, life itself is collectively safeguarded. The case of medical emergency interventions thus illustrates how humanitarianism is embedded in culturally resonant, socially expected forms of giving, where health becomes a communal, not individual, concern. The medical aid support also underscores the broader logics of Somali kinship humanitarianism: need-based, morally charged, and identity-affirming. Its contributions reveal that even in an era of digital diasporas and privatised care, ancestral obligations remain a powerful infrastructure for survival and solidarity.

Kinship associations play a pivotal role in preserving peace, resolving conflicts, and, when necessary, mobilising for confrontation. These intertwined functions often reinforce one another, as networks rooted in a shared commitment and group preservation can shift fluidly between facilitating reconciliation and mobilising for action. This duality illustrates how kinship associations navigate the balance between peacebuilding and strategic action within Somalia's complex and often violent landscape. Their conflict resolution role can be viewed as a form of humanitarian support in two ways: first, by preventing violence and averting crises, second, by resolving disputes and facilitating a return to normalcy. Elders, respected for age and status, wield significant authority in maintaining order. They listen to parties, gather evidence, and make decisions grounded in xeer, the traditional Somali customary law that continues to regulate and structure inter-clan relations.

One kinship association, based in Eastleigh with operations in Mogadishu, reported major efforts to address rising tensions between rival sub-clans that threatened a broader humanitarian fallout. In 2023, conflict erupted between two neighbouring sub-clans, driven by disputes over dwindling water and grazing resources amid prolonged drought, resulting in serious loss of lives and property. In response, the association raised USD 21,000, to support a peace initiative led by traditional elders. This included mediating between the groups, negotiating blood compensation, and organising reconciliation ceremonies. The funds also covered transport, meals and other logistics, while sustained engagement helped rebuild trust and stabilise relations between the rival groups (Kinship Association Member, 2022). This case reflects Mauss's insight that gift giving is not merely an altruistic act but reinforces social obligation and moral authority. Supporting elders financially is both practical and symbolic: it signals trust in their leadership and reaffirms community's collective responsibility for maintaining order. In Maussian terms, such contributions are part of a cycle of reciprocity – socially expected, morally charged, and critical to group cohesion.

The traditional elders, key in preventing the crisis escalating, continue to play a reconciliatory role at both local and national levels. One male interviewee noted: “Today we have formal secular courts and religious interventions for conflict resolution, but elders still supersede them. The Sultan, the Ugaas, the cultural world, this is where real resolution happens” (Kinship Association Member, 2022). As Mauss emphasises, gifts are embedded in systems of reciprocity and control. Elders’ authority rests not only on tradition but also their ability to mediate and redistribute through moralised giving. Their work is sustained by contributions that are socially expected, not voluntary in the liberal sense. Therefore, the financial support to elders by kin members is not a transactional payment but a reaffirmation of mutual obligation and trust, which is an investment in peace, justice, and communal stability. These contributions reinforce a shared moral economy, where conflict resolution is a collective duty, and elders mediate both justice and cultural continuity. By sustaining these practices, kinship associations bridge tradition and contemporary challenges, preserving social cohesion across generations (Galipo, 2011).