To Enrol or Not? Reasons Leading Indigenous Adult Learners Choose a Community-Based Vocational Training Programme
Abstract
This article examines why Indigenous adult learners choose to pursue vocational education and training (VET) programmes offered within their communities. Drawing on the sociology of experience and the concept of trials, the study analyzes three sharing circles conducted with groups of five to nine Indigenous learners enrolled in VET programmes in two Indigenous communities in Quebec (Canada). The findings show that learners’ engagement is shaped by interrelated factors, including cultural relevance, a sense of belonging, personal circumstances, and the transformative potential of these programmes. Beyond creating pathways to employment, community-based VET supports holistic development by fostering the education of the whole person. It also supports self-determination at both individual and community levels. Notably, many participants indicated that they would not have pursued further education if the programme had not been offered within their community and on their traditional lands.
Introduction
Through the sociology of experience, this article identifies the reasons that led adult Indigenous learners to choose a vocational education and training (VET) programme in their community. It first outlines the context of First Peoples’ education in Canada, with a particular focus on the contribution of VET to this field. The theoretical framework of the sociology of experience is then presented, followed by the methodological framework. Finally, the results – interpreted through trials and the three logics of action from the sociology of experience – are discussed in relation to existing literature.
Throughout the project, the authors reflected on their own perspectives as non-Indigenous university professors (Joncas and Supeno), Indigenous university students (Lepage and Bélanger-Landry), and a non-Indigenous university student (Lahaye). All of the non-Indigenous authors had prior experience collaborating with First Peoples and were aware of issues relating to the Eurocentric dominance of universities. These reflections are woven throughout the different sections of the article and contribute significantly to the depth and originality of the analyses.
Situation and Issues
For several decades, Indigenous peoples, including Canada’s First Peoples, have been fighting to regain agency and control over their systems of governance. This right to self-determination is enshrined in the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (2016). In Canada, this right is also enshrined in various legal provisions such as the Constitution Act (1867; 1982), the Royal Proclamation (1763), Peace and Friendship Treaties, and Numbered Treaties.
Since the beginning of the Canadian colonial period, education has been a major site of struggle and resistance for First Peoples. Initially aimed at evangelization, education was then used as a means of assimilating First Peoples into the culture of the colonizing nations. This was the case at all levels of education. For example, VET has been a tool used to achieve these ends over several decades: ‘Vocational education and labour were thought to be the means to “raise up” the Indian from a savage to civilized state’ (Friedel & Taylor, 2011, p. 46). For a long time, vocational training was the only higher education option leading to employment for Indigenous people that did not cause them to lose their status as Indigenous persons in the eyes of the state (Chamberlin, 2022). These included trade and industrial schools (Hinge, 1978; Miller, 1996). It was hoped that the Indigenous Peoples would have a ‘useful’ role in the development of society from Euro-Canadian perspective with this kind of training (Callaghan, 1992).
The colonial enterprise had devastating impacts on First Peoples (Truth and Reconciliation Commission [TRC], 2015). Kurtness (2007) explains:
Apart from missionary activity, ‘Western’ education represents the most conscious effort to deliberately change the behaviour of peoples in the history of intercultural contact. Admittedly, the interest was and still is primarily economic and political, but the changes stem more from education (e.g., residential schools). Educational institutions are introduced into another society or, more accurately, superimposed on existing educational practices. [Free translation] (p. 7)
Even if the ultimate goal of this complete and forced assimilation was not achieved, its consequences are far-reaching. They include cultural disintegration, family breakdown, loss of identity, and trauma related to all kinds of abuse (TRC, 2015).
Education as a Lever for Self-Determination
‘Education got us into this mess, and education will get us out’, said Murray Synclair, First Nations lawyer and Chair of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission [TRC] (2015). Other Indigenous and academic leaders in Canada share this view on the power that education has to bring transformative change to society (Battiste, 2013; Cajete, 1994; Little Bear, 2009). For instance, Michèle Audette, an Innu member of the Uashat mak Mani-Utenam community and Senator in the Senate of Canada, stated, ‘If we had full power or full capacity to decide how we want to teach, where we want to teach and why we want to teach, I am convinced that many social problems would disappear’ [Free translation] (Joncas et al., 2024).
When education is governed by and for Indigenous peoples, it becomes a tool for self-determination (Battiste, 2024; Kirkness & Barnhardt, 1991). Kativik Ilisarniliriniq School Board, the Cree School Board, the Naskapi School (at primary and secondary level), and Kiuna (at postsecondary level) are great examples of this in the province of Quebec, Canada. These Indigenous-led educational institutions demonstrate how education, when governed by and for Indigenous people, can have a profound impact on their communities and individual lives (Dufour, 2017; Terraza, 2009). They support greater cultural relevance, identity, and student success, in addition to supporting the development of Indigenous leadership and agency (Conseil en éducation des Premières Nations, 2025; Dufour, 2017; Joncas et al., 2024).
However, in Quebec,1 very few VET institutions are managed by First Peoples: among others, the First Nations Adult Education School Council (FNAESC), the Centre de développement de la formation et de la main-d’oeuvre Huron-Wendat, the Adult General Education or Vocational Training of the Cree and Kativik School Boards, the Centre de formation Mitshapeu, or the Centre Nipimishkan. One reason for the low number of Indigenous-governed vocational training centres is that the provincial Department of Education only recognizes training cards from vocational training centres under its jurisdiction. Thus, if an Indigenous educational institution wishes to offer vocational training that leads to a Diploma of Vocational Studies (DVS) (600–1800 hours of training), with some exceptions, it must work in partnership with a centre associated with the Provincial Department of Education. Working in partnership may sometimes be impossible because of distance or other limiting factors (see Joncas et al., 2025). That being said, Indigenous vocational training centres do have the option to issue their own Skills Training Certificate (STC) (180–795 hours of training) (InforouteFTP, 2025a).
This raises questions, especially since this field of study attracts a significant number of Indigenous learners (Ministère de l'Éducation, 2024; Statistics Canada, 2021). This is particularly true given the persistent shortage of labour and skills in VET-related occupations in Quebec (InforouteFTP, 2025b).
VET as a Tool for Self-Determination
In its Strategy for Technical and Vocational Education and Training, UNESCO (2016) stresses that VET must be refocused on its primary mission to be ‘a learning path that contributes to equity, social justice, lifelong learning and sustainable development’ (p. 5). Various studies on the role of VET in social justice emphasize its positive influence on the social and professional integration of individuals, particularly those in vulnerable circumstances (Avis, 2016; Moodie et al., 2019; Raby et al., 2023). Other research has also demonstrated the positive role of VET in social and economic integration for Indigenous Peoples, in enabling members of a community to face new challenges and find their roles as productive members of the community, and for achieving social cohesion, integration, and self-esteem (Bandias et al., 2014; Ceric et al., 2022; Gwynne et al., 2020; Hamerton & Henare. 2017; Maged et al., 2017; Twyford et al., 2009). The relevance of VET in promoting social justice for Indigenous people is explained, in part, by its more practical nature, which better aligns with the traditional vision of indigenous education (Brigham, 2006; Ceric et al., 2022; Hill & Helme, 2005; Jorgensen, 2020).
The international literature review by Joncas et al. (2022), in which two of the 24 articles come from Canada (Hodgkins, 2015, 2017), highlights the contribution of VET to greater social justice in Indigenous communities, especially if it adopts four specific characteristics. The first is to tailor training to the needs and realities of Indigenous students. The second characteristic is that VET interventions must be encouraged and supported by Indigenous communities themselves, notably through partnerships that bring together communities, vocational training centres, and industry leaders. The third characteristic requires interventions to be based on meaningful relationships between students and trainers, as well as between students themselves, and respectful partnerships between vocational training centres, Indigenous stakeholders, and industry leaders (both Indigenous and non-Indigenous). The fourth characteristic expected is that VET programmes be solely intended for Indigenous people (Beaudry & Perry, 2020). Other studies highlight that the benefits of VET are greater if programmes are offered close to or within Indigenous communities. Indeed, pursuing vocational education in their own environment offers a number of advantages to Indigenous learners, such as territorial anchoring, proximity to social networks and culture, and lower costs (Hamerton & Henare, 2017; Joncas et al., 2025; Lawrence, 2006; Twyford et al., 2009).
Silver (2013) argues, ‘[…] that adult education for urban Aboriginal people - when done in the non-mainstream ways can disrupt this cycle (of poverty) […] also produce collective benefits for families and for low-income communities’ (p. 2). In this way, the benefits of VET are just as beneficial for both learners and their community. Community involvement would therefore be important, as it would recognize the unique and distinctive nature of the knowledge and perspectives generated by each community and lead to the recognition of the uniqueness of each territory and the many lessons it teaches (Campeau et Ottawa, 2023).
Only a few empirical studies have been published about Indigenous Peoples in Quebec VET sector (Deschênes et Soumis, 2023; Gouvernement du Québec, 2022; Joncas et al., 2025), despite the important documented contribution of this field of study in other contexts. For example, in their conference paper, Deschênes and Soumis (2023) present strategic dimensions for teachers and staff to support Indigenous students in vocational training programmes in the mining sector. A report from Gouvernement du Québec (2022) presents the evaluation of the pilot project ‘Support for Indigenous People in General Adult Education and Vocational Training under the Northern Plan’. In their paper, Joncas et al. (2025) analyze an innovative approach to partnering with vocational training centres and Indigenous communities to relocate vocational training programmes in these communities. These studies mainly focus on training and educators; thus, little is known about the experiences of Indigenous learners in vocational training, particularly within their own communities.
This article focuses on the experiences of adult Indigenous learners in a VET programme established within an Indigenous community and tailored to their needs. It examines the reasons that influence these individuals’ decision to pursue this type of training. This greater comprehension will enable existing and future initiatives to be better adapted to the realities of these learners and confirm whether the findings from scientific literature in other parts of the world are consistent with that of Quebec.
Framework
Our framework is centred on Dubet’s sociology of experience (1994). This comprehensive sociological lens studies the way in which individuals, known as ‘actors’, define their reality due to the decline of social norms, forcing them to take charge of their own destiny. Dubet (1994) explains that ‘in this perception of social experience, the subject is constituted insofar as he is obliged to construct an autonomous action and an identity of his own by virtue of the very plurality of the mechanisms that encircle him and the challenges he faces’ [Free translation] (p. 254). In this way, experience is caught between the autonomy of individual action and the influence of the social context surrounding the experience. This sociological lens is relevant here as it illuminates why participants chose to pursue a VET programme in their community, highlighting how they take charge of their own experience while considering their social context, the meaning they ascribe to it, and the trials that shape it. This lens allows the analysis of social action beyond structural constraints or purely individual rational choices.
According to Dubet (1994), experience is composed of a combination of three logics of action, namely the logics of integration, of strategy, and of subjectivation. Individuals must manage these logics, which can intersect with or directly oppose their autonomy of action and the pre-determined nature of the action to be undertaken.
Overall, the logic of integration is based on the process of socialization and includes, for example, social status, roles, as well as social belonging and categorization of individuals (Dubet, 2007). For instance, Indigenous identity can have a strong influence on the school experience of First Nations students. As Dubet (2000) wrote, ‘a whole dimension of school experience is defined by the proximity and the tension between, on the one hand, school culture, and, on the other, pupils’ own youth culture’ [Free translation] (p. 99).
The logic of strategy involves the circumstances of a given situation, such as constraints, resources, networks, and status. It is articulated around a cost-benefit relationship and, therefore, based on rational approaches to usefulness (Boudon, 1989; Dubet, 2007). In this logic, ‘pupils can be seen working out strategies like rational minded individuals who work out their investment at school in terms of costs and profits’ [Free translation] (Dubet, 2000, p. 99). Thus, it is based on the idea of instrumentalization, shaped by the configuration of resources and obstacles that an individual must navigate.
The logic of subjectivation can be understood as the way individuals understand and represent themselves and construct meaning from their experiences. To sum up, Dubet and Martuccelli (1996) claim that ‘it is on the basis of their initial position and the interplay of available strategies that each actor builds their educational pathway’ [Free translation] (p. 312), and ‘it is through this work that they subjectivize themselves, forming themselves as the subjects of their studies’ [Free translation] (Dubet, 2008, p. 36). Here, actors are masters of their own actions (Dubet, 2007). This logic is related to their capacities of reflection and critical thinking.
People navigate through and between these logics, which can often be complementary or contradictory. Social experience is therefore marked by tensions between integration, efficiency, and autonomy, and individuals have the agency and the duty to make sense of this tension, despite any challenge that may arise. For example, there may be situational shifts in experience, such as forced cultural contradictions, in which individuals have no choice but to endure a situation that contradicts their values.
The concept of the trial is relevant to the sociology of experience. Dubet (2009) writes, ‘One of the ways of tracing social experience back to society is to analyze the trials faced by individuals. […] These trials are the manifestation of society before and beyond the subjectivity of the actors’ [Free translation] (p. 209). To overcome these trials, an individual uses and masters his social experience under the conditions imposed by society. It is therefore relevant to document the trials of experience to better understand it. Here we are referring to Martuccelli’s (2015) concept of the ‘challenge trial’ [free translation] which he defines as a ‘sociological conception of human life subject to the structural confrontation of a set of major societal and historical challenges. […] The analysis operator aims not only to describe and understand how individuals cope with change, but also to gain specific insight into social structures and phenomena’ (n.d.).
The use of the sociology of experience combined with the study of trials is therefore a relevant frame of reference for better understanding the experience of Indigenous learners; it recognizes the power and ownership individuals have over the construction of their experience as they are best placed to make sense of their complex, multifactorial, and progressive experience, and it simultaneously acknowledges the influence of context and trials on experience. These learners are less defined by their role as ‘being a learner’ than by the way in which, as active actors, they construct and make sense of their school experience (Dubet, 2000).
Methodology
The data used comes from three sharing circles held with groups of five to nine Indigenous learners taking a VET programme in two Indigenous communities in Quebec. Here are the sociodemographic characteristics of the participants:
- Five were women, 14 were men, and 1 was bispiritual;
- The average age was 37 years old;
- Eight had a partner, and 10 had children;
- For five of them, neither of their parents had a high school diploma;
- One had Indigenous language as first language.
These participants were informed about the project by a representative of the training centre they were attending. After their approval to participate in the research project, they were presented with the consent form by the lead researcher and then signed it. The sampling method was non-probabilistic and intentional, since each participant had to meet specific criteria and be representative of the phenomenon under study (Fortin & Gagnon, 2022). They were selected with the aim of forming groups of stakeholders relevant to the research theme, capable of discussing their experiences, and willing to share specific characteristics that would enable them to delve deeper into the meaning of their experience, that is, identifying as Indigenous and undertaking a VET programme in their community (Geoffrion, 2003; Miles & Huberman, 2003).
The sharing circle method was selected not merely as a methodological tool but because it is a practice deeply embedded in Indigenous cultural traditions, fostering respectful expression and active listening (Kovach, 2019, 2021; Lathoud, 2016). For this research project, each sharing circle lasted approximately 60 minutes and was held in the same locations where Indigenous students were being trained (e.g., a construction site), within their own communities. Participants were seated in a circle, a formation that, according to Styres et al. (2010), is essential for creating a common discursive space and cultivating a collaborative, dynamic, and relational atmosphere. As per tradition, each session concluded with a collective meal and participants were gifted a bag of tobacco. Additionally, they received a $25 gift card as compensation for their involvement in the project.
Participants received a copy of the semi-structured interview guide at the beginning of the meeting. The questions centred around: their experience with the current training programme (reasons for choosing it, what they liked about it, what they would like to change about it, etc.), their overall learning path (from childhood to the present day, including formal and informal learning, challenges, and the different dimensions of life as per the medicine wheel2), and their future aspirations. The questions had previously been tested with an Indigenous learner who had already completed a VET programme in an Indigenous community. During data collection, the discussion guide served only as a general reference for the facilitator to ensure that important themes were not overlooked, allowing spontaneity and authenticity in responses and engagement (Bryman, 2004; Geoffrion, 2003). The data was collected as part of a study (Lepage et al., 2023) that aimed to document the contributions of off-site vocational training in Indigenous communities to the learning journey of groups of Indigenous students in Quebec. Thus, the results presented in this article correspond to a secondary analysis of this data. Out of the three sharing circles, two were facilitated by an Indigenous female research student and another was co-facilitated by this same student and a white female researcher. Neither of them spoke the participants’ Indigenous languages.
The audio recordings of the sharing circles were transcribed and then coded using NVivo software. The coding was based on the theoretical framework of the sociology of experience and trials. Contextual elements were also highlighted in order to identify the deep-rooted mechanisms of the context that could influence the participants’ experience, thus making it possible to ‘understand the meaning from the actor’s point of view and then interpret it within the framework of a general model of the organization of society and social relations’ [Free translation] (Dubet, 1994, p. 236). This data reduction stage enabled the data to be selected, organized, and compared (Miles & Huberman, 2003). Through a reflexive and rigorous effort of comprehension and synthesis, we attempted to grasp the meaning that the participants attributed to their school experience (Bertaux, 1997). We first isolated and described the three logics of action and then tried to understand the learners’ experience, in particular the way in which the three action logics were combined and articulated in it.
The project has been certified by the ethics committee3 of the Université de Sherbrooke and complies as much as possible with the guidelines for Indigenous research (EPTC2, 2022). The original idea for the project came from the director of the First Nations Adult Education School Council, a partner in this project, to meet the needs of the Council. The Council was involved in all stages of the project, from writing the funding application to disseminating the research.
Results
The results presented aim to provide a better understanding of the reasons why Indigenous adults decide to pursue VET programmes in their community. To answer this, we first examine the types of trials that hindered their experience before they entered training. Then, we investigate how, through the three logics of action, participants give meaning to the reasons that led them to pursue their studies.
Previous Trials
Participants presented diverse profiles in terms of age, life experience, social background, and family circumstances. Despite this diversity, three main categories of trials emerged in their prior experiences: 1) family; 2) housing; and 3) financial issues.
The first relates to the family. Many reported significant challenges in this domain: some had lost one or both parents during childhood, while others grew up in environments marked by addiction. Several participants also disclosed personal struggles with substance use, often beginning in adolescence. These adverse conditions led some to be placed under state protection and into foster care. One participant recounted having lived with 21 different foster families. While a few viewed their time in care positively, for most, it represented a profound hardship.
The second category of trials centres around housing, with several participants describing experienced insecurity and instability. These challenges included overcrowding in the family home and difficult access to housing. Some participants had gone through a period of homelessness that forced them to wander from home to home with relatives or acquaintances: ‘not having a, like, stable home, and bouncing back, back and forth, it took a toll, and I ended up in jail’ (sharing circle 1).
The third category of trials relates to financial hardship, which affected several participants’ experiences. Some reported incurred debt, while others relied on state support (social assistance) to meet basic needs.
These trials often led participants to interrupt their educational paths. Some attributed these challenges to the lasting effects of the colonial system in Indigenous communities, both educationally and socially. Indeed, assimilation efforts targeting First Peoples in Canada have left deep scars – such as cultural erosion and loss of identity – and colonial laws still in force continue to restrict community governance, resulting in persistent issues like inadequate housing, poverty, and health disparities (TRC, 2015).
The Logic of Integration
Participants’ Indigenous identity strongly influenced their decision to enrol in community-based vocational training programmes, which allowed them to remain close to their families, maintain traditional practices, and continue speaking their Indigenous language. As one participant affirmed, ‘No, we would stay here because we’re home’ (sharing circle 1). The involvement of community members – particularly Elders – in the training and the use of Indigenous languages by some instructors were valued aspects of the programme. Some participants emphasized the importance of hands-on learning, noting a preference for visual and oral teaching methods grounded in real-life situations. This experiential approach, which encourages learning through observation and trial and error, aligns closely with Indigenous pedagogical traditions. The trainers’ responsiveness to Indigenous realities and their integration of cultural elements into the curriculum played a key role in sustaining learner motivation. Moreover, the inclusion of features from traditional territories – such as ceremonial sites or culturally significant trees – further reinforced the relevance of the training. Altogether, the cultural embeddedness and local delivery of these programmes were central to participants’ engagement and decision to pursue vocational education within their communities.
Choosing to pursue vocational training within one’s own community gives participants the impression that trainers and programme coordinators are more understanding and flexible, as they are better positioned to grasp the learners’ lived realities. As one respondent put it:
When you're in your own community, let's say, if there's an issue, your community members, your fellow people will understand your situation. If you're off reserve [community], they're going to say, ‘well too bad, you didn't show up, you're done!’ There's no leeway, there's no room. Here, at least, we understand the situations inside the community, so we afford that ability to say ‘ok, it's ok, don't worry about it, we can fix it’, you know? You can move on. I understand some people work good being strict and straight, but honestly, for a lot of Native people, it doesn't work, because we are different people. We have different circumstances, different backgrounds, different traumas. [...] So when you're here, at home, I'm not trying to say it's easier, it's just, we understand, ok, he has a different circumstance, let's accommodate that circumstance. So I think that's why it will work, if they do it in the community. Because people know where you're coming from, there's a background, you're not just a number, you're a name, you're a face, they know who you are. (Sharing circle 1)
The fact that participants know other learners who belong to the same community also motivated some to choose the programme. Furthermore, participants who studied in an urban environment – where they were a minority – before enrolling in vocational training in their community claim that this can lead to racism: ‘When you’re in a school where there are only non-Indigenous people, you’re a minority. Some people are bound to disgust you, they’ll laugh at you. There’s going to be racism. A lot of racism. [...] There can be racism among both teachers and students. You have to be careful, too’ [Free translation] (sharing circle 2).
Thus, the likelihood of experiencing discrimination while training or working outside the community led many to opt for studying in the community. For many, being in a non-Indigenous (Euro-Canadian) environment made them feel that they were ‘lacking’ in socialization, as they were constantly reminded of what were are not in relation to socially accepted and valued norms, highlighting the tensions inherent in the logic of integration.
The Logic of Strategy
From the perspective of the logic of strategy, the data shows that various personal or situational constraints prompted some respondents to pursue vocational training in their communities. Family responsibilities, the lack of a driver’s licence or a vehicle, and the high cost of living in an urban environment illustrate the convenience that many associate with the possibility of taking VET training in communities. For example, a participant attested, ‘I don’t feel like taking the metro every morning or getting up early in the city. You know, for me, being in my territory, being close to nature too... we really have a privileged environment’ [Free translation] (sharing circle 3). The fact that some participants have children encouraged them to go through their training in their community, which allows them to remain in close proximity to their loved ones (i.e., share meals with them): ‘I could come back home the same evening. Then I could be with my family all year round’ [Free translation] (sharing circle 2). Furthermore, attending school in the community reduces travel and accommodation costs: ‘When it’s close to the community, it’s nearby, it’s advantageous. You leave home in two minutes and you’re there [at the training centre]. You don’t have to go outside, you can carpool if you don’t have a car, it’s less of a headache. We’ve all got families, haven’t we’ [Free translation] (sharing circle 3).
Overall, motivations for enrolling in vocational training vary across individuals, but financial considerations often play a central role – particularly the possibility of receiving financial support from the band council while studying. Past educational experiences, the absence of required prerequisites, and concerns about pursuing university-level studies or training outside the community also influenced some participants’ decision to opt for a community-based VET programme. For others, vocational training served as a strategic pathway to quickly enter the job market or generate the income necessary to pursue further studies in a related domain.
Analysis based on the strategy’s rationale also reveals that, for many, their aspiration to work in the field of training appears to be an important factor in their enrolment in the VET programme. Vocational training is seen by many as a means not only to deepen their knowledge, develop know-how (and even interpersonal skills), and build on their previous formal or informal experience in a specific field, but also to obtain legitimized certification (in Quebec and elsewhere). A previous work experience motivated a participant: ‘I’ve already worked in the field before, I figured it would be the easiest way for me to get back in job circle and uh, start getting work’ (sharing circle 1). For another participant, becoming more professional was what drove him to the programme: ‘With my old job, basically, I saw quite a bit of everything to do with renovation. It kind of gave me a taste for enriching myself more in that line of work’ (sharing circle 1). Many participants also have ambitions to eventually build a company. For example, one participant wanted to start a youth summer camp in his community.
Finally, for a few participants, vocational training was more about learning new skills and obtaining certification as a stepping stone for an eventual career change, due, for example, to physical constraints, illegal work, or seasonal work in previous careers. For instance, as this participant said: ‘I was a seasonal worker, I only worked four months a year. After that, I had no choice but to go on employment insurance [dole]. Now I’ll be able to work all year round with this’ [Free translation] (sharing circle 2).
The Logic of Subjectivation
Data analysis according to the logic of subjectivation reveals, above all, a desire for personal transformation for several participants. Some wanted to experience the same transformation in their own lives as the one observed in those who had already enrolled in the VET programme. Indeed, this participant attests, ‘Because I see how good your crew was. Like, I see so much change in all of you. And that’s what I wanted so bad’ (sharing circle 1). Several participants learned about the programme through the experiences of friends and family already enrolled and were able to testify not only how the training went but also about its benefits and usefulness at both individual and collective levels. Furthermore, some participants wanted to continue their studies to set an example for other members of their communities, particularly their children. This finding is halfway between the integration and subjectivation logics: integration because part of the motivation is based on identification with members of the community as role models or inspiration for pursuing studies; and subjectivation because this identification with a ‘collective other’ is mobilized in the process of self-construction, affirming the individual’s capacity to be the subject of their own life.
For most of the participants, the VET programme was perceived as a rewarding, enriching, and meaningful experience. In some cases, the choice to pursue training in this programme was a response to an interest:
And I went to do an interview for social assistance, welfare. So the woman said ‘what do you want to do?’ I said ‘I want to make chalets to build on the river’. Just like that, so one week after, she goes ‘I got a call, they're doing this thing’, she goes ‘how weird is it that you want to make chalets and they're doing a course on chalets?’ So I, that's how I signed up. (Sharing circle 1)
Participants’ initial perception of the training programme was shaped by its potential to generate positive outcomes for themselves and their community. Even when pursued primarily for career change or further education, the programme was viewed as a meaningful way to influence personal and collective trajectories. Many expressed pride in contributing to a programme that responds concretely to community needs. By fostering both technical and interpersonal skills, the training supports – directly or indirectly – the self-determination of Indigenous communities:
So it's training that's going to help us not only to achieve professional goals, but also more personal goals. Let's face it, a lot of people are going to be able to build their own camps in the forest, or even their own house, or help their grandfather or grandmother to build their own territory. You know, giving a helping hand to other people, that's also a benefit. [Free translation] (Sharing circle 2)
In this way, the VET training programme made sense to them, as it was aligned with their value of giving back to Indigenous communities.
The fact that the training was taking place in their community gave it meaning, as this participant put it: ‘There’s a pride in seeing Elders or people from the community on a daily basis. We were in front of the [name of a lake] and behind the forest. For me, that changes a lot in terms of what we learn and how we learn’ [Free translation] (sharing circle 2). Another participant added, ‘On this [name of a ceremony site] site, the extent to which our transmissions are not the same, our energy among ourselves is not the same, because, you know, that also contributes to what we learn and how we learn too’ [Free translation] (sharing circle 2).
Discussion
Analyzing the data through the lens of the sociology of experience allowed us to better understand how context and its challenges influenced the decision to pursue a community-based vocational programme, and how participants explained this choice by navigating between the three logics of action. The results reveal few tensions between the three logics, which leads us to conclude that the vocational training programmes experienced by the participants were consistent with their situation on various levels. Thus, participants’ perception of their participation in these programmes is positive, in the sense that it aligned with their needs and priorities, and allowed them to be active agents in their own self-becoming and self-improvement.
We repeatedly observed discrepancies between the integration and subjectivation logics, often questioning whether a given result reflected one or the other. This was because the logic of subjectivation is notably characterized by the importance given to the congruence of individuals’ values in their choices of actions, such as the value of contributing to the community. However, the sense of belonging to the community may also reflect the logic of integration. Moreover, from the perspective of the sociology of experience, social relationships can sometimes hinder the recognition of an individual’s subjectivity, revealing a tension between the logics of integration and subjectivation (Dubet, 1994, 2007).
Following discussions between the Indigenous and non-Indigenous authors, it became clear that differing conceptions of community – between Indigenous and Western worldviews – were a source of confusion. In Indigenous perspectives, community is not distinct from individuals nor merely a regulator of social norms; rather, it is conceived as an interconnected whole in which each member is a vital part of the collective (Bélanger-Landry, personal communication). Consequently, the decision to engage in community-based vocational training reflects a personal, meaningful choice rather than conformity to externally imposed social roles. Here, community functions more as a ‘value’ embedded in individual subjectivity than as an external force shaping behaviour.
We now return to the main reasons that prompted Indigenous adults to pursue VET programmes in their communities, according to the three logics of action. Reasons related to the logic of integration were the most frequently reported, likely because these programmes were linked to the cultural specificities of the participants. Several appreciated that indigenous pedagogy was integrated, in line with findings from various studies (Brigham, 2006; Ceric et al., 2022; Choy & Woodlock, 2007; Griffin et al., 2024; Helme, 2005; Jorgensen, 2020; Maged et al., 2017). This is also consistent with the findings of the international literature on interventions for Indigenous students in VET (Joncas et al., 2022). This critical analysis of 24 peer-reviewed articles revealed that the most promising interventions bolstering Indigenous success in VET tend to be those adapted to the needs and realities of Indigenous students, communities, and Peoples, as well as interventions that reaffirm/celebrate Indigenous identities, cultures and histories.
Beyond cultural relevance, participants were also motivated by relationality – the meaningful connections formed with peers and staff. In Indigenous communities, where VET programmes are often delivered in rural areas with limited alternatives, training is tailored to local needs, enabling learners to study and work while remaining close to family and community. As shown by Twyford et al. (2009), who examined remote vocational training delivered through interactive online courses to Indigenous adults living in rural or remote areas, programmes that allow learners to remain in their communities help to combat long-standing inequalities in remote and rural education. However, the programmes studied were in-person programmes, and therefore more consistent with Indigenous pedagogy (Campeau, 2024). By integrating local culture and offering in-community delivery, these VET programmes enhanced learners’ experiences, even amid significant personal challenges. The flexibility and responsiveness of programme leadership allowed participants to pursue education in ways consistent with their values and life contexts. These findings reflect classical sociological notions of socialization, illustrating both adherence to community roles and expectations and the affirmation of the community as a cohesive social entity. Conversely, studying outside the community often led some participants to feelings of alienation and exposure to racism and discrimination.
Various circumstantial constraints, specifically those related to the logic of the strategy, led participants to decide to follow a VET programme in their community; notably for participants with family responsibilities. The decision to pursue this training is thus driven by the need to reconcile education and family life, as well as to favour cost efficiency by minimizing accommodation and transport costs, compared to training offered in urban centres. Many of these adult learners also chose the programme because of the skills they had developed through previous experiences, which they could apply to their studies. Adult vocational education approaches are thus important in this context. These learners have their own characteristics, which are clearly apparent in the results, such as previous experience (work or otherwise), increased responsibilities (family or otherwise), and a particular past, that shape their school experience. This explains the incentive for many to pursue community-based vocational training, where trainers and administrators take their reality into consideration. As Silver (2013) points out:
The task of the educator of marginalized adults is to ground the learning process in these students’ real life experiences, and to do so with respect for the experiential knowledge that is the product of their coping with life’s hardships (see also Giroux, 1985; xxi). (p. 9)
Participants reportedly appreciated when teachers adopted a dialogic approach (Freire, 2023), which recognizes their prior knowledge and thus allowed everyone to have a teaching role in the classroom. This aligns with Indigenous pedagogical principles, captured in the statement ‘Because we all teach’ (sharing circle 1). As such, teachers and learners learn from each other (Campeau, 2024). This way of teaching is also linked to Charlot’s (2005) relationship to knowledge (rapport au savoir), for whom learning particularly consists of interacting with oneself as much as with the world, thus distancing oneself from a school-centred conception of the legitimacy of acquired knowledge. The results clearly show that participants learn not only through constant dialogue with their teachers but also with their peers and community members: the knowledge they acquire was integrated into a broader network of social interactions where it takes on its full relevance (e.g., being able to help Elders thanks to the knowledge they have acquired).
The results associated with the logic of subjectivation were mostly related to a desire for personal and community transformation. This echoes Silver (2013), who identifies approaches to address poverty and education for urban Indigenous communities. He points out the relevance of the asset-based approach, based on learners’ strengths, to personal and community capacity development. Silver (2013) also highlights the importance of recognizing the pernicious effects of colonization and poverty in the experience of Indigenous learners:
In short, an asset-based approach recognizes the human damage, including the internalized damage, that poverty and colonization can cause; seeks to see beneath that damage to identity underlying strengths; and tailors an educational strategy aimed at building on those strengths. (p. 6)
Their studies gave several learners a sense of pride, as their choice of vocational training helped meet a collective need and enhance the community’s knowledge. Their participation was therefore part of a collective desire rather than an individual one, as they also became role models for future generations.
Another finding rooted in the logic of subjectivation highlights participants’ desire for VET programmes to contribute to the development and sustainability of their community. This concern, aligned with First Peoples’ values (National Indian Brotherhood, 1972), echoes the work of Hamerton and Henare (2017). The authors attribute the success of these programmes to their alignment with community goals such as regional development. The appeal of vocational training that fosters community development on traditional lands is thus a key factor in the decision to pursue a qualification. The opportunity to transform oneself, the community, and the community’s perception of the individual serves as a powerful motivator. This aligns with Silver’s (2013) concept of transformative learning, which reshapes how learners view themselves and the world around them. Such training offers an optimal space where employability, community development, and self-determination intersect (Beaudry & Perry, 2020; Joncas et al., 2022; Moodie et al., 2019). Martel (2024), in his study of adults returning to full-time vocational education, demonstrates clear impacts on both professional and personal levels: (1) participants accessed new jobs or careers previously out of reach and (2) they experienced shifts in self-perception and confidence in their abilities.
Thus, the various reasons that motivated participants to pursue community-based vocational training relate to themselves, their relationships with their loved ones, the members of their community, their territory, and a desire for self-determination. This aligns with Battiste’s (2024) definition of success in Indigenous education:
Success is measured not only by graduation and employment indicators, but also by self-confidence, self-awareness, the building of new relationships, personal healing and growth, employment or enrichment goals, aspirations for self-determination linked to family values, pride in themselves and others, engagement with cultural and community identity, and learning in their communities. [Free translation] (p. 31)
Conclusion
This article explores why Indigenous adult learners choose to pursue VET programmes within their communities. Drawing on the sociology of experience and trials, the findings reveal that learners are motivated by cultural relevance, social belonging, personal circumstances, and the transformative impact of these programmes. More than a pathway to employment, community-based VET supports holistic development by educating the whole person. For many participants, choosing this kind of programme offers the possibility of overcoming difficult life circumstances, improving living conditions for themselves, their families, and their community, and changing how they are perceived – both by themselves and by other community members – thereby enhancing social recognition. Furthermore, such programmes support self-determination at both the individual and community levels.
What we are encouraged to remember from this project is that these adult learners, having been through different trials and experiences, would not, for the most part, have decided to return to school to complete a vocational programme without certain key conditions, especially the location of the training on traditional land. Indeed, by pursuing their study programme within their community, participants were able to stay close to their relatives, maintain cultural traditions, reduce the time and costs associated with travelling outside the community, and face less exposure to racism and discrimination often encountered in external training environments. These findings echo the TRC’s calls for action (2015), particularly Call #7 related to Education (We call upon the federal government to develop with Aboriginal groups a joint strategy to eliminate educational and employment gaps between Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal Canadians) and Call #9ii related to Business (Ensure that Aboriginal peoples have equitable access to jobs, training, and education opportunities in the corporate sector, and that Aboriginal communities gain long-term sustainable benefits from economic development projects).
The scientific contribution of this project lies in the knowledge gained about the educational experience of adult Indigenous learners who take off-site VET programme within their community, as well as how these initiatives respond to their needs, interests, and situations. In Quebec, knowledge about this type of training remains limited, despite its documented contributions in other contexts. We hope that highlighting these Indigenous adult learners’ experiences will encourage the various stakeholders to consider these training alternatives.
Future research on the experiences of a diverse range of Indigenous students in VET (including those who dropped out before completing their studies, those who graduated, and those who found employment, for example) would provide a better understanding of their realities and needs, thereby enabling educational services to be adjusted accordingly. It would also be interesting to document the contribution of Indigenous pedagogy to this educational sector, which is known for its more practical teaching methods. This could, in particular, promote the continuing education of teaching staff.
The findings have limitations. The interview guide was not designed according to the principles of the sociology of experience, and the analysis focused on a specific moment in the participants’ experience, which may have limited the scope of the analysis. Data were collected from only three groups of adult Indigenous learners, resulting in a small sample. Although the data were analyzed by both an Indigenous and a non-Indigenous researcher, the article was primarily written by a non-Indigenous author, introducing a degree of Western ethnocentrism that may have led to misinterpretations of some participants’ responses. Along these lines, the sociology of experience is a Western conceptual framework, while the experience studied comes from Indigenous Peoples. Certain conceptual incompatibilities, such as the meaning of community for our participants, may therefore have contributed to misunderstandings. An approach rooted in Indigenous cosmologies would likely have been more appropriate. Lastly, in the recording of the sharing circles, distinguishing participants was not always possible. This distinction would have been useful, particularly to consider each participant’s unique circumstance when analyzing the reasons that led to the decision to pursue this VET programme.
Acknowledgments
We would like to acknowledge our project partners, the First Nations Adult Education School Council – particularly Diane Labelle, Regional Pedagogical Consultant, and Tanu Lusignan, Executive Director – for their invaluable contributions to the project, as well as PROCEDE. We also thank the band councils and the adult education centres in each Indigenous community for allowing us to spend a few days on their territory and meet with people involved in vocational training programmes. We extend our gratitude to the research participants and research assistants. We are also grateful to the anonymous reviewers whose constructive feedback helped improve and clarify this manuscript, as well as to the editors for their valuable work.
Ethical Considerations
This study received ethical approval from the Comité d’Éthique à la Recherche Éducation et Sciences sociales – Université de Sherbrooke (approval #2022-3344/joncas) on April 7, 2022. This research made no use of generative artificial intelligence tools, except for the translation into English of this article, for which some parts were originally written in French before being submitted to the steering committee for validation.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was supported by the Ministère de l'Économie, de l'Innovation et de l’Énergie du gouvernement du Québec [2022-2026, 301 482$], Programme de soutien aux organismes de recherche et d'innovation.
ORCID iD
Jo Anni Joncas https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1535-3389
Footnotes
1. In this Canadian province, the VET sector is part of general education in the same way as secondary education (and not higher nor postsecondary education).
2. Mental, physical, emotional, and spiritual dimensions.
3. To ensure the confidentiality of the participants, the indigenous communities are not named.
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